Dr. Sven Daniel Wolfe
Assistant Professor and Chair of Social and Cultural Geography at the University of Neuchâtel, Switzerland. He is author of More Than Sport: Soft Power and Potemkinism in the 2018 Men’s Football World Cup in Russia (2021, Lit Verlag), and editor of The Hard Edge of Soft Power: Mega-Events, Geopolitics, and Making Nations Great Again (2025, Palgrave).
There is an enduring relationship between mega-events and authoritarianism. Consider the 1934 Football World Cup in Mussolini’s Italy, where the dictator inculcated fascist ideals via a cult of physical fitness rooted in belligerent nationalism. Consider the 1936 Summer Olympics in Hitler’s Germany, where the dictator leveraged mega-event soft power to broadcast positive framings of the Nazi regime, promoting national unity and laying the groundwork for war. Consider the 1978 World Cup in dictatorial Argentina, where Videla’s junta exploited the mega-event to mask their crimes against humanity. The dark marriage of mega-events and authoritarians is nothing new.
The Russian mega-event decade fits into this history. A country that not long ago sought integration with the West now wages war against Ukraine and hybrid war against the European Union. Far from the democracy promised at the fall of the USSR, the state has extinguished dissent and executed the opposition. The 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics and 2018 men’s Football World Cup were instrumental in these terrible transformations. In substantial ways, the Russian mega-event decade helped transform the country from a fragile democracy into a consolidated autocracy, and Vladimir Putin from President to Tsar.
These dramatic transformations are not limited to Russia, as authoritarian mega-events become increasingly common around the globe. Of particular note is the United States, currently in the midst of its own mega-event decade. It may be that the aspiring autocrat in the White House is following Putin’s mega-event model as part of his effort to transform from President to King.
Despite their obvious differences (i.e. – tradition of democracy vs. history of autocracy) Russia and the United States share much in common. Both countries are huge and heterogenous, wealthy but suffering from outsized inequalities as wealth is captured by oligarchs and elites. They are nuclear powers obsessed with so-called “great nation” status, and their leaders routinely blame failures on traitors and enemies. Until recent consolidation, Russia was categorized as a competitive authoritarian state. Lagging behind Russia but catching up fast, the Trump-era United States has lost ground in all measures of healthy democratic functioning, and is now understood as competitive authoritarian. Both countries have strong histories of fighting fascists even as they share a disturbing predilection for flirting with fascism.
Both nations also have strong sporting histories and, in the context of authoritarian consolidation, both hosted the world’s most prestigious mega-events. Identifying the features of authoritarian mega-events as expressed in the Russian experience, we can see alarming parallels in America.
The Leader: In Russia, Putin was the public face of the mega-events, and was placed at the head of the organizing committees. The mega-events were presented as “Putin’s Games,” while state-sponsored doping demonstrated the importance of securing Russian victory. In America, Trump was the recipient of the newly-created FIFA Peace Prize, was named the head of the Olympic Taskforce, and has already meddled with the integrity of sport, trying to tip the scales toward an American win.
Soft Power: Russia communicated different messages to different audiences. Internationally, they displayed the country as an equal partner, while nationally they showed recovery from the chaos of the 1990s, demonstrating that Putin can deliver great things. In the USA, the soft power narratives are confused, reflecting internal instability. There is a desire among many to communicate that the country is normal and decent, but from state sources the messages are aggressive and fascistic.
Hard Edge: Underneath the soft power glow, the Russian mega-event decade introduced new security and surveillance technologies that remained after the events, to be directed at domestic opposition. In the USA, mega-events are classified as a National Special Security Event, coordinating security at the federal level and expanding surveillance at the expense of civil rights. Concentrating police powers bodes ill, particularly as ICE paramilitary troops continue their repressions and arrests, brutalizing opposition figures, and executing people.
Grift: In Russia, the mega-event decade was breathtakingly corrupt, siphoning huge sums from nationwide construction projects to distribute in exchange for loyalty. The American situation appears different, since hosting relies largely on existing infrastructures, reducing the opportunities for grift on new construction. Yet the Trump regime is famously self-dealing and corrupt, and it remains to be seen how they will capitalize on the American mega-event decade.
Hosting mega-events during an attempt to consolidate authoritarianism reveals a paradox: the fascist-authoritarian project is built on fearing and hating the world, but hosting mega-events means welcoming that same world. The Russian mega-event decade was a poignant experience for many who – unable to stop their country’s descent into autocracy, war, and political isolation – rejoiced in the last gasps of international camaraderie and celebration. For them, the memories remain as a reminder of the “normal” country they could have had. In the USA, the situation is not yet so dire, but each day brings more state instability, more norms shattered, and more institutions hollowed out. As the American mega-event decade continues, it is worth remembering the Russian example. Sporting celebration does not suspend political projects, and indeed may in fact play a role in dismantling democracy.
